Ethnic Conflict in Manipur: Political Fallout Over ‘Any Kuki Tribes’ ST Status

THE POLITICAL and ethnic unrest in Manipur continues to intensify following the state cabinet’s controversial decision to remove the “Any Kuki Tribes” (AKT) category from the Scheduled Tribes (ST) list on January 2, 2023. The move has sparked strong opposition from Kuki civil society organizations worldwide, including the Kuki National Organization (KNO), a Kuki-militant groups under the Suspension of Operation (SoO) agreement with both the Government of India and Manipur, Kuki Inpi Manipur, Kuki Students’ Organization (KSO), KKL, KWOHR, KWS, and others. In contrast, the Thadou Inpi Manipur, apex body of the Thadou tribe of Manipur and Thadou Students’ Association (TSA), have openly supported the deletion of the AKT category and have aligned themselves with the then Manipur Chief Minister N Biren Singh. This internal divide within Thadou and Kuki/AKT groups has added another layer of complexity to the state’s volatile political landscape.

Opponents of the decision have reportedly used a series of unrelated developments—including implementation of paddy and wetland conservation laws, evictions from reserved and protected forests, delays in Autonomous District Council (ADC) elections, the opening of an open gym and the chief minister’s proposed visit to Churachandpur on April 28, 2023, the High Court’s ruling on the Meitei ST demand—as grounds to attack the chief minister and his administration for being anti-tribal and anti-Kuki.

The exclusion of Churachandpur MLAs from cabinet positions has also been cited as a under covered-point of contention.

Also Read | Khongjai Hills and Kuki Claim to Indigeneity: The Fact

Violence first erupted following the burning of the Anglo-Kuki War Centenary Memorial Welcome Post at Leisang village in Saikot constituency. Subsequent retaliatory attacks in Waikhulok in Saikot constituency and the spread of violence to Torbung and Kangvai in Henglep constituency—areas represented by MLAs from the AKT category, and are reportedly backed by KNO and SoO-aligned militants, have been viewed as the initial spark of the broader Manipur conflict. These events are widely seen as linked to efforts by some local political actors to preserve the AKT designation amid growing legal and political challenges.

Also Read | The Contradictory Voices of Vungzagin Valte: A Tale of Reconciliation and Division in Manipur’s Ethnic Strife

Militant groups under the United People’s Front (UPF) and the Suspension of Operations (SoO) framework, such as the Kuki National Front (KNF) and United Kuki Liberation Front (UKLF), have supported the deletion of AKT from the ST list. Their political influence is reflected in the state cabinet, where Letpao Haokip (reportedly backed by UKLF/UPF) and Nemcha Kipgen (reportedly supported by KNF/UPF, with her husband serving as KNF/UPF president) hold ministerial positions.

The abrogation of the SoO agreement with the KNO and ZRA, along with the state government’s withdrawal from negotiations with these groups in March 10, 2023, was seen by many as a turning point. Analysts note that Kuki-aligned factions in Churachandpur began to escalate and sensationalize a series of issues in an effort to discredit the then Chief Minister.

Tensions reached a breaking point on May 3, 2023, when mob violence erupted in Kuki-majority areas. The unrest quickly escalated into widespread communal clashes across the state. In the aftermath, SoO-aligned groups, despite longstanding internal divisions, appeared to present a unified front—one that many observers believe was artificially constructed to collectively target the Meitei community.

While political maneuvering and ethnic polarization continue to dominate the discourse around the Manipur conflict, the humanitarian crisis on the ground remains unresolved.

Tens of thousands have been displaced from their homes since the violence erupted in early May 2023, many of whom continue to live in relief camps under fragile conditions.

Among the displaced are Meiteis who were forced to flee from hill districts such as Tengnoupal, Kangpokpi, and Churachandpur areas, where they had lived for generations in relative peace. Likewise, numerous tribal families, including those categorized under “Any Kuki tribes” and non-Kuki Scheduled Tribe groups like the Thadou, Hmar, Mizo, and Zomi communities, were displaced from Imphal Valley amid the intensifying communal tensions. Despite being non-combatants, these civilians have found themselves caught in the crossfire of political agendas and retaliatory violence, with many losing homes, livelihoods, and loved ones.

Both sides of the displaced population continue to wait for justice, reconciliation, and meaningful rehabilitation.

Relief measures, though in place, have been uneven, and many displaced individuals complain of inadequate shelter, lack of medical care, and poor sanitation in temporary camps. More critically, there remains no clear timeline or framework for safe return or long-term resettlement.

Also Read | Abolish the Institution of Hereditary Chieftainship to Facilitate Free Movement and Peace Talk

The state and central governments have announced multiple measures and compensation schemes, but distrust in the process runs deep—particularly as the conflict’s underlying political triggers remain unresolved.

Adding to the uncertainty is the pending report from the Judicial Inquiry Commission constituted to investigate the origins and progression of the violence. Over a year since the initial outbreak, the commission has yet to release its findings, leaving key questions unanswered: What triggered the first wave of violence? Who were the principal instigators? Were state or central forces complicit or negligent? And what measures can prevent future ethnic conflict?

Without answers and accountability, experts warn that lasting peace in Manipur will remain elusive. For the displaced communities—Meiteis and tribals alike—the wait for justice is growing longer, and the hope for return, reconciliation, and rebuilding continues to hang in the balance.

The author is a Thadou Human Rights Activist

(The opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of Ukhrul Times. Ukhrul Times values and encourages diverse perspectives.)