Kuki’s Covert Orchestration
In their quest to assert identity and secure political influence, the Kukis embarked on a calculated journey marked by deceptive manoeuvres and multifaceted approaches. This journey not only transformed their socio-political standing but also set the stage for complex conflicts with the indigenous communities of Manipur. The following points illustrate their underhanded coordination and the ensuing tensions:
1. Constructing a New Identity Through Intellectual Narratives
The Kukis embarked on a deliberate mission to craft a cohesive identity by cultivating an intellectual class dedicated to shaping historical narratives, cultural artifacts, and public opinion. They produced historical documents through devious ploy that constructed a unified Kuki identity, influencing both local and national policy decisions. By effectively controlling the narrative, they repositioned themselves within Manipur’s socio-political landscape, challenging existing historical accounts and asserting a distinct cultural identity (for instance, false narrative of Anglo-Kuki war). This intellectual mobilization became the foundation for their political and territorial ambitions.
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2. Emerging as a Political Entity Through Public Administration
Recognizing the power of political participation, the Kukis cunningly positioned themselves within Manipur’s public administration. By engaging in electoral politics and building a resource pool, they gradually increased their political influence and integration into the governance structure. Analyzing electoral trends reveals a significant rise in Kuki political representation:
Electoral College (1952-57): Out of 30 MLAs in Manipur, there were 7 Naga MLAs, 1 Kuki MLA, and 1 Paite MLA.
Manipur Territorial Council (1957-62): Out of 32 MLAs, there were 4 Naga MLAs, 1 Paite MLA, and 1 Thadou Kuki MLA.
First Manipur Territorial Assembly (1962-67): Out of 10 Tribal MLAs, there were 8 Naga MLAs, 1 Paite MLA, and 1 Thadou Kuki MLA.
First Manipur Legislative Assembly (1972-73): Of 60 MLAs, 13 were Naga (the highest), while only 6 represented the Kuki-Chin community.
Second Manipur Legislative Assembly (1974-79): Naga representation declined, while Kuki-Chin MLAs (including 1 Kom) increased to 8.
Third Manipur Legislative Assembly (1980-85): Naga MLAs decreased to 10, while Kuki-Chin representation surged to 9.
Since the early 1980s, the number of Naga MLAs has stabilized at 10, while Kuki-Chin representation—initially limited to 2 MLAs in the 1960s—rose to 10, equalling Naga political representation. This strategic political ascent facilitated the Kukis’ influence in legislative processes, impacting land policies, electoral boundaries, and socio-economic programs in their favour.
3. Opportunistic Diplomacy with the Indian State and Strategic Deception
Article | Kuki Research Forum on objective historical position of the Kukis in Manipur
The Kukis astutely aligned themselves as strategic allies of the Indian state, securing political leverage and military support, particularly in counterinsurgency operations against Naga and Meitei insurgent groups. By positioning themselves as indispensable partners, they gained access to state resources, security apparatus, and political patronage, reinforcing their authority and influence.
This alliance not only provided military backing but also enhanced their political legitimacy. Through tactical deceit and opportunistic diplomacy with Indian state mechanisms, they effectively countered rival ethnic groups, consolidating their socio-political dominance in conflict-prone regions. This strategic positioning allowed them to navigate the complex ethnic dynamics of Manipur while maintaining a favourable relationship with the Indian government.
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4. Territorial Consolidation and Demographic Engineering
A calculated move of territorial expansion became a cornerstone of Kuki political mobilization. By strategically settling in Churachandpur (which was predominantly inhabited by Paite and Hmar tribes), Chandel (indigenous habitation of smaller Naga tribes), Kangpokpi (in the process of transformation of unclaimed indigenous Naga land to Kuki-dominated place), and Moreh (strategic locations that belong to indigenous Nagas), they consolidated economic and strategic leverage. This demographic engineering was aimed at asserting Kuki dominance over traditionally non-Kuki areas, leading to significant territorial gains.
In regions where Kukis are numerically dominant, there has been an abnormal growth of population and villages, often at the expense of indigenous communities. For instances:
Kangpokpi: Over the past three decades, Kuki villages have surged by an astonishing 303%—from 179 villages in 1969 to 721 villages in 2023—primarily on Naga ancestral land.
Other Districts: Similar patterns of abnormal population growth and village proliferation are observed wherever Kuki populations are present, reflecting a systematic strategy of demographic expansion, thereby intensifying land disputes and ethnic conflicts (Kuki-Naga conflict 1993-1998).
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5. Identity Politics and Leadership Cultivation
To maintain political continuity and cultural cohesion, the Kukis skilfully propagated the Chin-Kuki-Zo identity. This deceptive promotion of a unified identity facilitated the consolidation of community solidarity, enabling them to navigate the complex ethnic landscape of Manipur.
Simultaneously, they invested in grooming younger generations through propagandas to internalize and reinforce this distinct Kuki identity. The Kukis’ cunning manipulation—marked by narrative construction, political participation, strategic alliances, territorial expansion, and identity politics—transformed them into influential political actors in Manipur. By understanding these deceitful tactical moves, one gains a nuanced perspective on the historical and contemporary complexities of ethnic relations in Manipur.
The Million-Dollar Question: How Kuki Community Sustained Conflict?
The on-going conflict between the Kuki and Meitei communities in Manipur raises a critical question: How has the Kuki community managed to sustain nearly two years of continuous conflict? This endurance is particularly striking given the logistical demands of feeding and clothing thousands of youths recruited as village volunteers by Kuki militant groups.
Where does the food and clothing come from?
How are the weapons and ammunition supplied?
Who provides financial and logistical support to the Kuki community?
Can any other tribal community in Northeast India sustain a two-year conflict without legitimate resources?
The answer lies in a meticulously organized network of terror funding, resource mobilization, and opportunistic alliances with Myanmar rebel groups, through whom, the Kuki militants smuggle in advanced weapons such as rocket launchers and drone bombs. Their sustained mobilization underscores a sophisticated socio-economic framework that goes beyond conventional tribal resources.
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Financing the Conflict through Drug Trade and Poppy Cultivation
One of the critical components of this strategic network is the drug trade, particularly poppy cultivation, which has emerged as a primary revenue stream fuelling Kuki socio-political mobilization. By engaging in the cultivation and trafficking of poppy-related drugs, the Kuki community established a robust financial foundation, enabling them to fund their strategic operations, including arms procurement, logistical support, and community sustenance.
Despite the Manipur Government’s official declaration of destroying more than 20,000 acres of land under poppy cultivation by the Kukis, the illegal drug trade remains remarkably resilient. The illicit network continues to operate almost unnoticed, bypassing state surveillance and law enforcement agencies (including Assam Rifles). This persistence suggests a highly organized and well-connected system of drug trafficking that extends beyond regional boundaries, ensuring a steady flow of revenue to sustain the conflict.
The porous borders of Northeast India facilitate the smuggling of sophisticated firearms. Intelligence reports indicate that Kuki militants have acquired weapons through illegal cross-border trade networks, which entered via Mizoram and were subsequently brought to Manipur through Churachandpur, thereby enhancing their combat capabilities.
In addition to acquiring weapons from external sources, there is also evidence of mass local productions of weaponry. In Churachandpur district and Kangpokpi area, Kuki militants excavated underground water supply pipelines installed by the Manipur government and used them to manufacture locally-made Pumpi guns. Over the past nearly two years, Manipur Police and other security agencies have recovered hundreds of these improvised firearms from Kuki militants, highlighting their resourcefulness in sustaining their arsenal.
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This strategic approach reflects a complex socio-political and economic network, positioning the Kukis as formidable actors in the region’s ethnic and political dynamics. Their resistance against the Meitei extends beyond a mere tribal conflict, revealing a calculated blend of economic, political, and logistical manoeuvres. By utilizing the drug trade as a revenue stream, engaging in opportunistic diplomacy, and maintaining an organized logistical network, the Kukis have managed to sustain a prolonged conflict unparalleled by other tribal communities in the region.
This sophisticated mobilization calls for a nuanced analysis of ethnic conflicts in Manipur, urging a departure from surface-level narratives to better understand the deeper socio-economic and political forces at play. It also raises critical questions about the regional and national implications of this conflict, challenging policymakers to address the underlying issues with strategic insight and comprehensive solutions.
Amidst this complex landscape, the unprecedented rise of Kuki influence in the region looms like a ticking time bomb, poised to unleash greater devastation. If left unaddressed, it threatens to ignite a cascade of ethnic conflicts, revealing a fragile equilibrium on the brink of disruption.
The author is a freelance writer, and can be reached at liangmai367@gmail.com.
(The opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of Ukhrul Times. Ukhrul Times values and encourages diverse perspectives.)
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